>>14077>It‘s not impossible that Chibber‘s apologia for white society stems from some emotional need to be liked by white people because he wants acceptance into whiteness. The fact that its possible doesn't mean that it's true. Wtf are you even basing this accusation on?
>>14084I think a lot of the assumptions involved in the Leninist theory of national liberation need to be reassessed. A lot of its points continue to hold a lot of merit. Imperialism does often take on the character of a primary contradiction, which of course creates a material basis for an alliance between the workers (in both the colonies and metropole) and the oppressed nations as a whole. It's also correct to say that national liberation struggles, even bourgeois ones, endanger capitalism by severing the flow of wealth from the colonies to the core, which is the lifeblood of the modern capitalist-imperialist system.
That being said, I think that the 19th and 20th centuries have demonstrated a few key lessons that can inform the relationship of communists to bourgeois national liberation struggles. Anybody familiar with European revolutionary history will know how the 1848 revolutions unfolded. The bourgeoisie rose up against feudal absolutism, the workers supported them. The question for the early communists at that time was whether the proletariat should assert their own programme during this revolutionary moment, or seek an alliance with the bourgeoisie against feudalism. Marx himself was of the latter opinion, and many in the Communist League broke with him over this issue. But what ended up happening? The revolutionary upheaval unleashed the pent up anger of the workers, who began to assert a more radical program, which caused the bourgeoisie to close ranks with the aristocracy and accept the reimposition of aristocratic power. In other words, the proletariat spooked the bourgeoisie into betraying their own revolution! For the bourgeoisie, private property and profit seeking are sacrosanct, and they will throw their lot in with anybody who guarantees these things against anybody who threatens them.
Fast forward to the 20th century and what do we see? The KMT is founded as a bourgeois, anti-colonial revolutionary force, and within a few decades they are the main agent of imperialism in China. Indonesia's bourgeoisie wins its independence with major communist support, only to turn around and massacre them all less than 20 years later and become the biggest US outpost in Southeast Asia. Attaturk prevents a Western conquest and colonization of Turkey, now his country is a NATO member. Modern Egypt is established by a coup of anti-colonial officers who go on to lead the Arab nationalist movement, but by the 80s they are a major US ally. I could go on, but the point should be obvious: the bourgeoisie are not reliable in any supposedly progressive capacity they are meant to have. They can't be relied upon to challenge feudalism or imperialism so long as they themselves feel threatened by the proletariat. Any such challenge they offer is inherently weak, full of vacillation, compromise, and in constant danger of being abandoned altogether.
Where does that leave communists? Well for one thing it means that if we are to accept the Leninist formula of the natural affinity between the proletariat and the oppressed nations (and I think we should), every effort should be made to subsume the national liberation struggle within the struggle for communism, with the national bourgeoisie taking a secondary role. That is to say, the communist vanguard, dominated by workers and peasants, must become the primary vehicle of the national liberation struggle. This is what was accomplished in China, Cuba, Vietnam, etc., and its no coincidence that these countries continue to resist imperialism today while many others are now aligned with it.
Second, in situations where this can't be accomplished, the communists bust be alert to the vacilations of the bourgeoisie, and take steps to anticipate and counter their eventual betrayal. This is where you'll run into controversy with some multipolarista types, since they hold that anything which may disrupt the stability of an anti-imperialist bourgeois government is counter-productive at best and the product of imperialist subversion at worst. However if we adopt this position, that communists should essentially abandon any effort to develop an independent power base, or keep the national bourgeoisie in check, then they are essentially saying we should just trust the natbourgs to remain committed to the struggle, despite their horrendous record. Imagine a multipolarista of today in the early 60s, when Indonesia was a leading anti-imperialist bourgeois government supported by a massive communist party. Many people saw the trouble brewing, Mao himself advised the PKI to arm itself and prepare for a betrayal. They refused, and no doubt many leftypolers would have dismissed his advice as the work of "ultras" in alignment with imperialism. Obviously that wasn't the case, and it was Indonesia's bourgeoisie that was in alignment with imperialism. The refusal of the Indonesian communists to recognize the weakness of the bourgeoisie on the question of national liberation is why children in that country are still today taught that communism is a witchcraft cult that wants to cut off people's dicks for black magic purposes (I'm not exaggerating, this is the official narrative).
Of course it goes without saying that all of these questions have the most relevance to comrades in the countries where these contradictions are unfolding. For firsties the solution is simple: oppose any and all interventions, troop deployments, sanctions, regime change ops, etc imposed by your imperialist government. It should also he clear that even a bourgeois dominated anti-imperialist government, at least so long as it retains that character, is a good thing and vastly preferable to a comprador regime. We just need to remember the inherent limitations of such states.
TLDR: The "national" bourgeoisie are, when left to their own devices unreliable at best and traitorous at worst. They are most useful when subordinated to communists and workers/peasants. James Connolly was right: only social revolution can defeat imperialism.